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從主宰人民到人民作主
From mastering people to people as masters

李筱峰/Li Hsiao-feng
(世新大學教授)
(Professor,Shih Hsin University)

2001-05-21


The May 19 Green Initiative, 1987

5月19日和5月20日這兩個日子記錄了台灣人
民在民主之路上的一些重要的歷史。由半世
紀前 5月20日戒嚴令的生效開始,台灣人民
紛紛投入一場爭自由、爭人權的長期民主聖
戰。本週台灣之窗特別邀請世新大學教授李
筱峰為我們細數這場長期戰爭中的數場光榮
戰役--無獨有偶地,它們都發生在 5月19
日和5月20日;新一代年輕人所熟知的520總
統就職日僅是這段自由之路上一個小小的裡
程碑而已。台灣人要做自己的主人!李教授
敘述這段歷史中每一場 520戰役台灣人為求
自主曾有的奮鬥與犧牲,並預示 520爭自由
的精神將在未來的民主之路上持續延燒。

The dates May 19 and May 20 mark pivotal
points in the history of the Taiwan people's
march toward democracy. From the moment a
half century ago when, on May 20, martial law
took effect, Taiwan's people became embroiled
in a protracted holy war for freedom, human
rights and democracy. In this week's Window
on Taiwan, we have invited history professor
Li Hsiao-feng of Hsih-Hsin University to
recount a series of key battles in that war,
all of which took place on May 20 or the
preceding day. After all, the May 20
presidential inauguration day with which the
younger generation are familiar is but a
relatively minor milestone in our long march
to freedom and struggle to become our own
masters. Prof. Li here relates the many
instances of admirable courage and
self-sacrifice associated with May 19 and 20,
inspiring us to stand steadfast in the
on-going fight for freedom and democracy in
Taiwan.

1949年5月19日戒嚴令生效

5月19日和5月20日,在台灣歷史上真是特殊
的日子,具有著特殊的意義。
1949年 5月19日﹐蔣介石的國民黨政權還在
大陸上面對共產黨革命之際﹐省主席陳誠在
台灣頒布戒嚴令。這個戒嚴令於翌日 5月20
日清晨起生效,於是台灣進入軍事戒嚴時期
。戒嚴令頒布半年後﹐蔣介石政權敗退來台
﹐戒嚴繼續實施﹐人民的基本自由人權﹐如
集會﹑結社﹑言論﹑出版﹑講學等各項自由
,受到嚴重箝制﹐因此有黨禁﹑報禁﹑出國
旅行禁......。戒嚴延續了38年之久,直到
1987年才解除﹐成為世界實施最久的戒嚴令

在戒嚴統治的同時,又配合著所謂的「動員
戡亂」,使得台灣籠罩在十足的威權體制下
。《動員戡亂時期臨時條款》公佈於1948年
5月9日﹐當時蔣政權還在南京﹐距行憲不到
5 個月﹐就透過這個條款﹐凍結了憲法的部
份條文﹐其最主要的作用﹐在擴充蔣介石總
統的權力。
戒嚴統治與「戡亂」體制必須透過嚴密的特
務系統來推行。1949年成立的「政治行動委
員會」成為肅清在台共黨(外加政治異己)的
機構。1950年起,蔣介石開始為長男蔣經國
從情報、治安系統建立起橫跨黨、政、軍各
方面的基礎。50年代中期,成立了國家安全
局,統攝各情報機關 (如警備總部、調查局
、情報局 )。這些如蜘蛛網般的特務系統發
揮了「白色恐怖」的作用,在「肅清匪諜」
的理由下,許多人因為政治見解不同,或因
批評時政,便被羅織入罪,惹來殺身之禍。
從1949年的四六事件,到1960年9月4日的雷
震案,10年之間,台灣一共發生上百件的政
治案件,約有兩千多人遭處決,八千多人被
判重刑。其中除了不到 900人是真正共產黨
之外,其餘九千多人是冤案、假案的犧牲者

在長達三、四十年的「戡亂」體制與「戒嚴
」統治之下,海內外有識之士奮起推動民主
運動,1950年代有《自由中國》雜誌的言論
,及「中國民主黨」的組黨行動(1960)。19
70年代有《大學》、《台灣政論》、《八十
年代》、《美麗島》等雜誌的衝擊,並以「
黨外」的名號,透過選舉推動民主運動,歷
經中壢事件(1977年底)、美麗島事件( 1979
年底) ,浴火重生,在80年代中期,民主運
動進入高潮,要求解除戒嚴的呼聲成為民意
的主流。

May 19 / 20, 1949 - Martial law is declared
and takes effect

The dates May 19 and May 20 have a very
special significance in Taiwan's history.
On May 19, 1949, with the Kuomintang regime
under Chiang K'ai-shek engaged in fighting
the Chinese Communist Party-led revolution
on the mainland, Taiwan Provincial Governor
Chen Ch'eng proclaimed martial law in Taiwan,
which took effect in the early morning hours
of May 20. Thus began the martial law era in
Taiwan. Half a year later, the Chiang
K'ai-shek government retreated in defeat to
Taiwan, where martial law continued in force.
With martial law came harsh curtailment of
the basic human rights of Taiwan's people -
freedom of assembly, freedom of association,
freedom of speech, freedom of the press,
freedom of movement etc. Thus establishment of
new political parties and newspapers was
banned, and travel abroad was tightly restricted.
This state of affairs dragged on for 38 years,
and martial law was not lifted until 1987,
giving the KMT the dubious distinction of being
the world record holder for longest continuous
martial law rule.
The imposition of martial law, in combination
with the May 9, 1948 promulgation of "Temporary
Provisions Effective During the Period of
Communist Rebellion of Communist Rebellion",
put Taiwan under the thumb of extreme
authoritarianism. Within 5 months of this
provision's promulgation, the Chiang K'ai-shek
regime, still based in Nanking, used it to
suspend various provisions of the constitution,
with the primary intent of expanding Chiang's
personal power.
Martial law rule and its "rebellion-suppression"
polity depended upon the establishment of an
extensive spy network. In 1949, a "Political
Action Committee" was established as an apparatus
mandated to wipe out communist party influence
in Taiwan and negate the influence of
non-KMT-affilitated groups. Beginning in 1950,
Chiang K'ai-shek employed the various
intelligence and security organs to lay the
foundation for transfer of power to his eldest
son, Chiang Ching-kuo. In the mid 1950s, the
National Security Bureau was set up to serve as
an umbrella agency coordinating all
intelligence-related organizations (National
Police, The Bureau of Investigation , Ministry
of Justice, and Intelligence Bureau). The
operations of this spider-web-like spy network
exerted a "white terror" effect on the Taiwan
people. Under the pretext of "weeding out
communist bandit spies," people who held
opposing political views or dared to criticize
the government were executed on trumped-up
charges. During the 10 years from the April
6 Incident of 1949 to the Lei Chen Case of
September 4, 1960, there occurred upwards of
100 political incidents resulting in the
execution of approximately 2,000 people and
heavy prison sentences for another 8,000. Save
for fewer than 900 who in fact were communist
party members, the remaining 9,000 were the
sacrificial victims of fabricated accusations.
Through the nearly 40 years of
"rebellion-suppression" martial law rule,
champions of justice at home and abroad
mustered their energies to promote a Taiwan
democracy movement. 1950 saw publication of
the magazine Free China, and in 1960 action
was afoot to establish a Chinese Democracy
Party. With the 1970's came a fiery
rejuvenation of Taiwan's democracy movement,
which was advanced through publication of
government-aggravating political periodicals
such as Ta Hsueh (Great Learning), Taiwan
Political Commentary, Formosa Magazine, and
The 80s; by means of electioneering of
candidates under the the "Tang Wai" (non-KMT)
quasi-party banner; and through street
demonstrations culminating in the Chungli
Incident of late 1977 and the Formosa Incident
(a.k.a. Kaoshiung Incident) in late 1979. The
democracy movement reached a high point in
the mid 1980s, by which time cries for the
lifting of martial law were shared by the
public mainstream.

Crowds gather at Lung Shan Temple
as Cheng Nan-jung launches the May
19 Green Initiative, May 19, 1986.

519綠色行動

1986年的5月19日鄭南榕等人發起「519綠色
行動」﹐解除戒嚴是行動中的主要訴求。兩
百多名「黨外」人士﹐在台北龍山寺廣庭靜
坐示威到晚上9時半。這項「519綠色行動」
掀開「黨外」人士為時半年的街頭示威運動
,向實施38年的戒嚴令挑戰。終於在這年的
9 月28日突破戒嚴禁令,成立「民主進步黨
」,台灣政治史邁入新里程。在民主運動的
激盪之下,歷經蔣氏父子兩代的威權統治,
終於在蔣經國晚年逐漸解體。1987年年 7月
14日,蔣經國總統果然迫於形勢,宣佈解除
長達38年的戒嚴。
解嚴半年後﹐1988年 1月13日,受糖尿病糾
纏多年的蔣經國總統病逝,副總統李登輝繼
任總統。雖然李登輝在繼任總統的兩週後代
理國民黨主席﹐不過當時民間預測﹐這只是
一個暫時的過渡而已﹐國民黨政權不可能由
土生土長的台籍人士主導﹐因為這將使外來
政權的舊勢力寢食難安。

There are only three in northern Taiwan, and
May 19, 1986 - The May 19 Green Initiative

On May 19, 1986 Cheng Nan-jung and others
launched the "May 19 Green Initiative",
with the lifting of martial law as its
major demand. Two hundred Tang Wai figures
sat in meditative repose in the courtyard
of the Lung Shan Temple until 9:30 at night.
The May 19 Green Initiative triggered a
series of Tang Wai street demonstrations
over a half-year period, posing a challenge
to the 38 years of martial law rule and
leading to establishment of the Democratic
Progressive Party on September 28 in
defiance of martial law, thus marking a new
stage in Taiwan's political history. Under
the surge of the democracy movement, the
authoritarian rule of elder and younger
Chiang began crumbling in the later years
of Chiang Ching-kuo's reign, ultimately
forcing him to declare an end to martial
law on July 14, 1987.
Half a year after the lifting of martial
law, on January 13, 1988, President Chiang
Ching-kuo, passed away after suffering from
diabetes for many years, and was succeeded
by then Vice-President Lee Teng-huei. Two
weeks after becoming president, Lee also
became provisional Chairman of the KMT. By
most people's reckoning at that time,
however, this was just a transitional phase.
The KMT regime, they assumed, could not
afford to let a native Taiwanese become its
leader, as this would undermine its old
mainland-expatriate power base.

1988年5月20日農民示威與軍警衝突事件

美國康乃爾大學出身的農經博士李登輝,在
繼任總統四個多月後,就碰上了一次大規模
的農民請願示威:5 月20日,4000多名來自
全島各地的農民,聚集在立法院前面,要求
政府禁止美國火雞、水果進口。由於軍警對
示威民眾過度挑釁,引發民眾與軍警的流血
衝突事件。政治觀察家認為﹐這是國民黨政
權中的舊勢力(尤其是軍方)故意給李登輝
總統難堪,以打擊他在民間的聲望。
李登輝在接掌過去威權政治的殘餘,一方面
要應付統治階層的保守勢力,同時又要面對
社會民間的改革要求,這個角色實難扮演。
不過,他以堅忍的毅力,和圓融穩健的手法
,折衝於新舊勢力之間,他以「走兩步退一
步」的步驟,試圖改變國民黨體質與現實政
治環境。此時的政治環境雖已經解嚴,但仍
有箝制言論思想自由的刑法 100條有關「預
備叛亂」的高帽子壓頂,而《動員戡亂時期
臨時條款》的大包袱,使國會仍然為一群來
自中國大陸而不必改選的老代表所把持。

May 20, 1988 - Farmer protesters clash with
military and police

Four months after accession to the office of
president, Lee Teng-hui, with a doctorate in
agricultural economics from Cornell
University, was confronted with a large-scale
demonstration by farmers seeking redress of
grievances. On May 20, more than 4,000
farmers from all over Taiwan converged on the
Legislative Yuan, demanding a ban on
importation of turkey meat and fruit from
the US. Due to the excessive aggressiveness
of soldiers and policemen, a bloody melee
ensued. Some political observers are of the
view that this was an intentional bid by
old-guard KMT power circles (particularly
in the military) to make Lee Teng-hui lose
face and to damage his prestige in the eyes
of the people.
As heir to the remnant of an authoritarian
regime, Lee had to deal with conservative
elements in the KMT ruling structure while
at the same time facing up to popular demands
for reform - an extremely difficult role to
play. Nevertheless, by dint of an unwavering
fortitude and a tactful, deliberate approach,
he succeeded in defusing tensions between new
and old powers. He endeavored to transform
the KMT and the practical political
environment by a pragmatic "two-steps-forward,
one-step-backward" approach. While by that
time politics had emerged from the shadow of
martial law, it was nevertheless still
seriously stunted by the threat of prosecution
under Article100 of the criminal law aimed at
punishing "preparation for insurrection,"
which seriously effected freedoms of speech
and thought; besides which, the onerous,
still-in-force Temporary Provisions Effective
During the Period of Communist
Rebellion-of-Communist-Rebellion served to
keep the Legislative power firmly in the
grip of elderly KMT-appointed
mainland-expatriate legislators-for-life.

Farmer demonstration, May 20,
1988. Farmers riding mechanized
tillers confront military and
police in front of the
Presidential Office Building

1989年5月19日自由鬥士鄭南榕盛大的喪禮

1989年4月7日,曾發起「519 綠色行動」的
《自由時代》雜誌創辦人鄭南榕因刊登許世
楷教授的台灣新憲法草案﹐遭統治當局控以
「叛亂」﹐鄭拒絕出庭應訊﹐於警察前來拘
提時﹐引火自焚﹐震驚全國! 5月19日舉行
鄭南榕的出殯﹐出殯的行列長達兩公里多﹐
這是繼58年前台灣抗日運動領袖蔣渭水的「
大眾葬」之後﹐再出現的一次盛大喪禮。正
當出殯的行列受阻於總統府前的路上時﹐一
位民運的基層義工詹益樺﹐也在現場引火自
焚去世。台灣的民氣,達到了燃點。

May 19, 1989 - Massive funeral procession
for freedom fighter Cheng Nan-jung
On April 7, 1989, Cheng Nan-jung, instigator
of the May 19 Green Initiative, and founder
of the Freedom Era Weekly, was charged by
authorities for "insurrection" after having
published the rough draft of a new
constitution of Taiwan by Prof. Hsu Shih-kai.
When police came to arrest him after he
refused to appear in court, he self-immolated,
shocking the entire nation! When on May 19,
Cheng's coffin emerged from the government
funeral home for burial, the funeral
procession was 2 kilometers long! Not since
the funeral of anti-Japanese leader Chiang
Wei-shuei 58 years earlier had Taiwan
witnessed such a massive popular
participation in mourning for a hero.
When the procession was blocked in front
of the Presidential Office Building, a
grassroots democracy movement volunteer,
Chan I-hua, followed Cheng's example,
immolating himself and dying on the spot.
The anger of Taiwan's people had reached
the boiling point.

1990年 5月20日萬人示威大遊行,抗議軍
人組閣干政

時序進入1990年,李登輝當選第八任中華
民國總統,提名軍人郝柏村組閣,這是李
登輝的「退一步」策略,但立即引起民間
反彈,5 月20日,萬人示威遊行,反對軍
人干政。不過,李登輝的「進兩步」手法
,又馬上發揮作用,他透過學生運動,召
開國是會議,促成了資深中央民代的退職


May 20, 1990 - 10,000 marchers protest
military man as premier

Following upon Lee Teng-hui's assuming
office as the 8th non-popularly elected
President of the Republic of China in 1990,
he appointed General Hao Pei-tsun as Premier
to head up his cabinet. This was one of his
"one-step-backward" ploys, which immediately
incited a popular backlash, occasioning a
10,000-strong demonstration procession
protesting interference of the military in
government. Lee immediately responded with
a "two-steps-forward" tactic. Working
through student movements, he convened a
national affairs convention, which had the
effect of accelerating removal of old
legislators appointed under the old regime.

1991年5 月20日「知識界反政治迫害聯盟」
的萬人大遊行

1991年4 月他召開國民大會臨時會,制訂憲
法增修條文,廢止《動員戡亂時期臨時條款
》。時代潮流又向前一步,但另一股逆流又
隨之而來,同年5月9日,陳正然等四名青年
因為參加「獨立台灣會」被逮捕,引發 5月
20日一場「知識界反政治迫害聯盟」的萬人
大遊行。4個月後,又有學界發動的「100行
動聯盟」,主張廢除刑法100條。翌年5月
15日,立法院終於通過修正刑法 100條,取
消「陰謀內亂罪」及「言論內亂罪」。台灣
的言論自由更獲一層保障。

May 20, 1991 - Intellectuals Against Political
Persecution march in protest
In April of 1991, Lee convened an extraordinary
meeting of the National Assembly to pass
amendments to the constitution and rescind the
Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period
of Communist Rebellion-of-Communist-Rebellion
laws. This forward surge of the tide of change
was followed, however, by a retrogressive ebb
when, on May 9 of the same year, Chen Cheng-jan
and 4 other youths were arrested for taking part
in a Taiwan independence gathering. This sparked
a May 20 protest march with 10,000 participants,
organized by Intellectuals Against Political
persecution, followed four months later by the
"100 Initiative Alliance," which demanded the
repeal of Article 100 criminal law. On May 15,
1992, the Legislative Yuan finally passed a bill
revising Article 100 of the criminal law, whereby
laws concerning "conspiracy to incite
insurrection" and "public advocation of
insurrection" were repealed.

1996年5 月20日台灣第一任民選總統李登輝
就職

2000年5 月20日台灣第一任非國民黨籍民選
總統陳水扁就職
在李登輝與民間民主運動的配合下,台灣逐
漸民主轉型,1996年台灣終於舉行有史以來
的第一次總統民選,李登輝當選第一任的民
選總統,5 月20日,是這位民選總統就職之
日。4年後,2000年的5月20日,第一位非國
民黨籍的民選總統陳水扁就職。
從這五十多年來的歷史看,5月19日和5月20
日真是具有特殊歷史意義的日子。它是戒嚴
軍事統治的起點,它有台灣人民取爭自由民
主的奮鬥紀錄,它更是民主轉型的標誌。

然而,撫今追昔,國民黨的舊勢力仍盤根纏
結在許多部門,舊結構仍未解除。在民主的
潮流中,台灣人民要繼續前進,不要被舊勢
力的暗流與逆流給吞沒!

May 20, 1996 and May 20, 2000 - Inauguration of
popularly elected presidents

Thanks to the combined efforts of the people's
democracy movement and Lee Teng-hui, Taiwan was
gradually transformed into a democracy. In 1996,
Taiwan finally conducted its first-ever popular
election of a president, resulting in Lee
Teng-hui's inauguration as president on May 20
of that year. Four years later, on May 20, 2000,
Taiwan's first-ever popularly elected, non-KMT
president, Chen Shuei-bian, was inaugurated.
As we can see from this summary of the past 50
years of Taiwan history, May 19 and May 20 hold
a very special meaning for us. These dates
signify the initial imposition of martial law
rule, the Taiwan people's struggle for freedom
and, most importantly, the actualization of
democracy in Taiwan.
Nevertheless, reflecting upon past and
contemplating present, we must recognize that
remnants of the KMT's old power structure still
haunt us, stubbornly rooted in and clinging to
various levels of government. The people of
Taiwan therefore must not relent in their
struggle for democracy, and must not allow
themselves to be swept away by the retrogressive
undertow of old power.

Edited by Tina Lee/ translated by Elizabeth Hoile
(李美儀編輯/何麗薩翻譯)
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